The Nebraska legislature recently restored the voting rights of 7,000 people with felony convictions who have already completed their full sentences.

However, two days before the law (Legislative Bill 20) was set to go into effect, the state’s Attorney General Mike Hilgers issued a formal opinion asserting that the legislature violated Nebraska’s Constitution, claiming the law infringed on the executive branch’s exclusive authority to restore civil rights for Nebraskans.

But experts say the Attorney General’s opinion does not carry the force of law. Regardless, Nebraska’s Secretary of State Robert Evnen immediately halted all new registrations of persons with felony convictions thereby ignoring the voting restoration legislation.

The secretary of state’s action effectively handed the state’s attorney general the power to suppress the vote of otherwise eligible men and women. It should be noted that people of color are more likely to be prohibited from voting because of the stark racial disparities in Nebraska’s criminal legal system.

This unwarranted intervention by the Hilgers and Evnen brought uncertainty, delay, and confusion into Nebraska’s electoral process. That they took those steps only 48 hours before a voting rights bill was set to be enacted suggests a cynical and intentional action to circumvent the law.

The National Association of Social Workers (NASW) has long advocated for restoration of the right to vote for all formerly incarcerated people — including those with felony convictions. Therefore, we do not hesitate to say we find the Secretary of State’s action to be objectionable.

What is particularly concerning is that the people and the democratically elected legislature of Nebraska are clearly on the side of voting restoration for those who have served their sentences. There is no acceptable rationale for dishonoring the will of the people and legislature on the part of the Attorney General and Nebraska Secretary of State.

Moreover, since 1997, 26 states and the District of Columbia have expanded voting rights to people living with felony convictions — allowing more than two million eligible residents to regain their right to vote. Without a doubt, the Nebraska action is a step backwards and should not stand.

Research has demonstrated that expanding voting rights is linked to improved public safety outcomes by facilitating successful re-entry and reducing recidivism. The act of voting can have a meaningful and sustaining positive influence on justice-impacted citizens by making them feel they belong and have a voice in their communities.

NASW will continue to work with other supporters of the right to vote for formerly incarcerated people with felony convictions to respond to such blatant attempts to suppress votes. We remain steadfast in our commitment to protect and advance social justice for all Americans.

The John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act (VRAA) was reintroduced in the House of Representatives by Rep. Terri Sewell (D-AL) on September 19, with support of Democratic Congressional leadership and the voting rights advocacy community. In a time when the foundation of American democracy –  one man, one vote  – is under duress, It is difficult to minimize the importance of this legislation.

The history of VRAA is more immediately tied to the 2013 Supreme Court (SCOTUS) ruling that determined a key enforcement provision of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 was unconstitutional. That provision, the preclearance formula, required states with histories of discriminatory election practices to submit new or revised election policies and laws to the Department of Justice (DOJ) for approval.

The SCOTUS decision was both devastating and many believe wrongheaded. The notion that the ruling was incorrect was fueled by criticism of Chief Justice John Robert’s opinion that ”things have changed dramatically” in the South and states with long histories of discrimination no longer needed DOJ oversight.

All of which prompted the House to introduce a new voting rights bill (VRAA) that restored and strengthened the original Voting Rights Act. Guided by the fact the Supreme Court struck down preclearance on the premise it was outdated, the bill sponsors updated the VRAA formula. Thereby addressing SCOTUS’s concern.

In addition to updating the formula, the bill stipulates the following practices would be subject to preclearance review from the Justice Department:     .

• Creating at-large districts in places with sufficiently large minority populations.
• Changing jurisdiction boundaries to remove minorities from the jurisdiction in places with sufficiently large minority populations.
• Changing the boundaries of a district where a minority group is sufficiently large and has had a large population increase.
• Imposing stricter requirements for documentation or proof of identity to vote.
• Reducing the availability of or altering multilingual voting materials.
• Reducing, consolidating, or relocating polling places, early and Election Day voting opportunities, or absentee voting opportunities in places with sufficiently large minority populations.
• Making it easier to remove voters from the rolls in places with sufficiently large minority populations.

There is an immediacy to passing VRAA. Those who do not hesitate to deny the vote to millions of Americans have already asserted themselves. In the decade since the Supreme Court declared the heart of the  Voter Rights Act to be unconstitutional, at least 29 states have passed 94 laws that make it harder to vote – with the  impact falling hardest on Black , Hispanic and Native American people.

The Voting Rights Act of 1965  passed with bipartisan support. It is ironic that 58 years later, it is likely there will be little or no support for VRAA from Republicans.

This generation of lawmakers should respond to the call of the majority of Americans who support new legislation to protect the vote. Short of that, there is an imperative that every effort must be made to elect members of Congress (Democrat or Republican)  whose values and commitment to democracy compels them to pass VRAA.

NASW strongly supports the John Lewis Voting Advancement Act. We further commit to working actively with other like-minded organizations and Congressional sponsors to help this important bill become law.

Cardin and his 25 or more original Senate co-sponsors must be applauded for seeking to right an egregious wrong that denies millions of Americans -disproportionately Black and Latino – the right to vote. DRA will not only address an injustice but the timing of restoring access to the ballot for those denied the right to vote comes when the country is politically and socially divided.

Their votes could play a major role in determining what political party will control the White House and Congress – not to mention the statehouses -across the country.

DRA was originally a part of the For the People Act (HR-1) that was introduced in 2021. Because Senate leadership felt DRA should be more closely aligned with the broader voting rights advocacy movement, they decided DRA should be carved out as a standalone bill.

Disenfranchisement of incarcerated has long history

To further contextualize DRA, it should be noted disenfranchisement of incarcerated and formerly incarcerated people is not new. The practice of stripping convicted felons of the right to vote goes back to the beginnings of our nation when the federal government and many states adopted felon disenfranchisement laws based on the idea that voting was a privilege for those who demonstrated “good moral character.”

However, it was the end of Reconstruction in 1877 – coinciding with the beginning of the Jim Crow Era – that ushered in the use of felony convictions as a pretext for widespread withholding of the right to vote.

During the Jim Crow Era, the highest priority for former Confederate States was to suppress the vote of newly freed slaves in defiance of the 15th Amendment.

It took nearly 90 years later, with the passage of the Voting Rights Act in 1965, that the suppression of the Black vote was prohibited. Unfortunately, during that same time, the legality of felony disenfranchisement laws were specifically upheld by the U.S. Supreme Court.

During the past decade, advocates for voting and civil rights reforms – along with some members of Congress and state leaders – joined to end to felon disenfranchisement laws and practices.

Currently, 26 states continue to disenfranchise people after release from prison. That said, there has been some success in bringing about change.

For example, in 2020, there were approximately 5.2 million individuals disenfranchised due to felony convictions. But that number represents a close to 15 percent decline from 2016 . Additionally, with New Mexico and Minnesota recently allowing previously convicted felons to vote upon leaving prison, twenty-four states have ended felony disenfranchisement.

Those improvements aside, we cannot lose sight of the fact that racial disparities in the rate of felony disenfranchisement persist. A case in point is that one in 16 African Americans of voting age are unable to vote due to a conviction. That rate is 3.7 times greater than that of non-African Americans.

What also persists is the coupling of felony disenfranchisement with a strategic movement at the state level to propagate voter suppression laws and policies.

The connection of felony disenfranchisement and voter suppression can be seen in the use of purges of voter registration rolls as a tool for voter suppression.

To be clear, reviewing and updating voter rolls is a legitimate and necessary task. However, states that are bent on suppressing votes often conduct such purges using inaccurate data and flawed processes for maintaining voter rolls.

More to the point, they also target certain voters – such as those with felony convictions – without enforcing federally-mandated safeguards to prevent purging otherwise eligible voters.

Cardin likely timed his bill to have an impact on 2024 Election

This brings us back to why Cardin’s reintroduction of DRA is so noteworthy. Throughout his career, Cardin has been one of the Senate’s most ardent protectors of civil and human rights.

It is without a doubt that the Senator timed his re-introduction of DRA with one eye on the 2024 elections – and the critical role passage of this legislation could have in preserving our democracy. At a time when American democracy is facing its greatest threat since the Civil War, expanding access to the ballot to an otherwise fully eligible pool of voters could have immeasurable significance for the 2024 elections.

It is essential that national organizations that have long advocated for social justice offer their support and resources to proactively support the passage of DRA. In particular, the National Association of Social Workers (NASW) , which supported DRA when it was introduced in 2021, must join its organizational peers in making DRA a reality.

Felony disenfranchisement is one of the most heinous and pernicious collateral consequences that impedes an individual’s ability to seek restoration, provide restitution where necessary, and be fully productive contributors to our community. – Breon Wells , CEO The Daniel Initiative.

Resources

• American Civil Liberties Union Voter Restoration
• Brennan Center for Justice
• Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights
  Voting Rights
• Cardin Leads Renewed Effort to Restore Voting Rights to Formerly Incarcerated Individuals
• The Reentry Working Group- Voter Rights Sub-Committee
  Daniel Initiative

Disclaimer: The National Association of Social Workers invites members to share their expertise and experiences through Member Voices. This blog was prepared by Mel Wilson in his personal capacity and does not necessarily reflect the view of the National Association of Social Workers.

About the Author

Mel Wilson, LCSW, MBA, is the retired Senior Policy Advisor for the National Association of Social Workers. He continues to be active on a range social policy area including youth justice, immigration, criminal justice, and drug policy. He is a co-chairperson on the Justice Roundtable’s Drug Policy Reform Working Group.

The United States Supreme Court on June 8 made an important and unexpected decision by rejecting Alabama’s gerrymandered redistricting map that grossly diluted the Black vote.

The vote was a narrow 5–4 decision that held Alabama violated the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Had the Court upheld Alabama’s redrawn map, it would have eliminated one of the remaining protections of the Voting Rights Act.

The core issue of the case was determining if the congressional map adopted by Alabama lawmakers illegally watered-down the Black vote. It must be remembered that from the end of Reconstruction in 1877 until 1992 (when the State was forced by the Court to redraw its Congressional Districts) Alabama elected no Black members of Congress.

Even after the 1992 change, the state had only one Black member of Congress, despite the fact African Americans account for 27 percent of the state’s population.

Because of Alabama’s history of suppressing and outright denying African Americans the vote, many voting rights advocates held out little hope that Court would rule against Alabama in the Allen v. Milligan case.

Although the court’s favorable judgement came as a surprise, voting rights advocates quickly recognized its significance, and enthusiastically welcomed it.

The Milligan ruling comes at a time when a strong anti-democratic atmosphere pervades within many factions in this country. However, we must guard against assuming that Milligan signals a systemic challenge to the enemies of democracy on the part of the Supreme Court.

A more prudent response to the decision would be to embrace it while cautiously taking advantage of this opportunity to strengthen a fragile Voter Rights Act.

Above all, we must not lose sight of the fact that there has been a steady increase of voter suppression laws and policies over the past decade. It is deeply concerning this trend continues. It must not be ignored.

Ruling Could Lead to Democrats Taking More Seats in U.S. House

Therefore, it is heartening the voting rights advocacy community seems to be putting the Milligan ruling in proper context. There appears to be an emerging consensus on a strategy of not viewing the Milligan case in isolation by directly tying the totality of protecting voting rights to the 2024 presidential election.

The strategy is driven by the realization that the results of Milligan paradoxically opened up the possibility that the Democrats can regain control of the House of Representatives in 2024.

Significantly, the Cook Political Report – considered the gold standard for political analysis – projected that as many as five House seats could go in the Democrats’ direction.

This is because there are similar redistricting challenges in several other states which, if overturned, will result in additional Congressional Districts that could turn blue.

For example, last year a federal district court ordered the state’s congressional map to be redrawn in Louisiana. Because of the Allen v. Milligan ruling, Louisiana will likely have to create an additional Black district.

In addition to Alabama and Louisiana, Georgia’s congressional map may be required to be redrawn resulting in an additional Black district in time for the 2024 elections.

Voting Rights Still in Jeopardy

However, while the decision was well received, the erosion of voting rights protections has not abated as a result of the Milligan ruling. The bottom line is that upholding Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act is by itself is not sufficient for staving off these threats.

In fact, gerrymandering lawsuits based on violations of Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act have had only limited success in the courts.

What the current spate of voter suppression and anti-democracy laws and policies tells us is that we cannot cross our fingers with the hope that the Supreme Court will serve as the protector of voting rights. Given the conservative makeup of the Court that is highly unlikely.

What is needed is a strengthened Voting Rights Act that reflects the realities of 21st century America. It is ironic the landmark Supreme Court decision of Shelby County v. Holder – which gutted another key provision of the Voting Rights Act – is now 10 years old.

During that time, Congress has tried, to no avail, to pass legislation that would restore protections lost in Shelby v. Holder. Every effort has been made to rekindle legislation such as the John Lewis Voter Rights Restoration Act, which passed the House in 2021, but failed to get Senate approval.

It certain that legislation that a strengthens the Voters Rights Act will not become law unless there is a Democratic majority in the House and Senate. In order to achieve that objective, social workers and other social justice advocates have to become fully engaged in the 2024 elections. The loss of the White House and both houses of Congress will not only doom fair elections, but most human and civil rights as we know them.

Resources

American Civil Liberties Union: Historic Win: U.S. Supreme Court Rules Alabama’s Congressional Map Violates the Voting Rights Act by Diluting Black Political Power

Brennen Center for Justice: A Rare Win for Voting Rights at the Supreme Court

Leadership Conference for Civil and Human Rights: Civil Rights Coalition Praises Supreme Court’s Decision to Protect Freedom to Vote, Renews Call for Congressional Action to Restore the Voting Rights Act

National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP): NAACP Applauds SCOTUS Ruling to Protect Voting Rights

Disclaimer: The National Association of Social Workers invites members to share their expertise and experiences through Member Voices. This blog was prepared by Mel Wilson in his personal capacity and does not necessarily reflect the view of the National Association of Social Workers.

Mel Wilson, LCSW, MBA, is a former senior policy advisor who continues to be active on a range social policy area including youth justice, immigration, criminal justice, and drug policy. He is a co-chairperson on the Justice Roundtable’s Drug Policy Reform Working Group.

Today’s landmark decision by the U.S. Supreme Court in the case of Allen v Milligan validates both the historical context and the current realities faced by the underrepresented Black populace of this state.

The protections of Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act (noted to be the most powerful remaining provision) have again shifted the scale of justice towards a more balanced and true level of equilibrium for our citizens.

In a state where Blacks account for more than 25 percent of the population, African American voters have continued to be disenfranchised by barriers advanced in the interest of its majority Republican constituents.

Having a congressional map with one majority Black seat out of seven congressional districts when two were shown to be needed was inadequate and did not allow for true representation to be reflected in the structure of our national governance system.

With this decision, redistricting discrimination has again been averted and Alabama will have to draw a congressional map to include a second majority-Black district.

Today is a day of exaltation for many but should also illuminate the need for intentional engagement and political participation, irrespective of race and in the interest of equity for all Alabamians.

NASW-Alabama Chapter invites you to join us in solidarity as we continue to toil in the interest of social justice. In reflection of a quote by one of our great social justice champions:

“Freedom and justice cannot be parceled out in pieces to suit political convenience. I don’t believe you can stand for freedom for one group of people and deny it to others.” – Coretta Scott King

The political climate approaching the 2022 Midterm Elections may very well be ranked with the years leading up to the Civil War as a period when the nation was facing the greatest threat to democracy.

While that danger has by no means dissipated, it has certainly has been stalled by the Midterm Elections outcome. Predictions a so-called “red wave” that would lead to an overwhelming Republican majority in the House and Senate had dominated national media in the weeks leading up to Nov. 8. That the red wave failed to materialize —Democrats retained control of the Senate — was a victory for democracy and social justice values.

That victory belongs to the millions of Americans who mailed in ballots and went to the voting booths with the clear objective of rejecting dangerous, authoritarian Trumpism that had been gaining momentum.

President Biden, to his credit, recognized the clear and present dangers facing the nation. So Biden, along with former President Obama, used national media and public appearances to convey the urgency. There efforts were effective. According to election analysts, the issues driving the massive turnout among Democrats were protecting democracy and restoring women’s right to seek abortion services— the same issues about which Biden and Obama raised the alarm.

It is encouraging the Democratic turnout demonstrated a diverse coalition of African Americans, Hispanics, progressive Whites, and young voters that held together despite predictions from detractors that the coalition would fracture. It is especially heartening that the youth voters, Gen-Zers included, were fully engaged in the 2022 Midterm Elections.

Levels of coalition participation in the voting process are not just a statistical reference. We can grasp the significance of their commitment when we realize the 2024 Presidential election is less than two years away. To view the Midterm Elections in isolation would be an error. In fact, it is a near certainty that anti-democracy and autocratic forces will field enthusiastic far- right candidates for national offices in 2024 —including presidential hopefuls. Therefore, it is imperative this coalition remain intact and organized through November 2024.

Additionally, we must guard against thinking the takeaway from the successes of 2022 vote as being transformative victories for social justice values, the fundamental Constitutional right for women to choose to have an abortion, and the preservation of democracy. The true takeaway is that many Americans made an affirmative statement with their vote.

They affirmed that they will not passively allow out of control autocrats and White supremacists to destroy 244 years of a flawed but mostly successful experiment in democracy called America. It is reassuring that as the nation moves toward its next challenge — the 2024 Presidential election— this pro-democracy coalition will be positioned do political battle against these existential threats.

It goes without saying that it is important that the social work profession remains engaged with the pro-democracy coalition. As was the case during periods of civil upheaval in the past, the social work profession needs to be a leader on the side of justice and the rule of law. The stakes remain high.

About the Author

Mel Wilson, LCSW, MBA, is the retired Senior Policy Advisor for the National Association of Social Workers. He continues to be active on a range social policy area including youth justice, immigration, criminal justice, and drug policy. He is a co-chairperson on the Justice Roundtable’s Drug Policy Reform Working Group.

Disclaimer: The National Association of Social Workers invites members to share their expertise and experiences through Member Voices. This blog was prepared by Mel Wilson in his personal capacity and does not necessarily reflect the view of the National Association of Social Workers.

While every election matters, the November 2022 midterms are imperative because human rights like voting, reproductive health and LGBTQIA+—issues central to social work’s mission and values—are in deep jeopardy.

In some states, these rights are explicitly on the ballot, says Tanya Rhodes Smith, instructor in residence and director of the Nancy A. Humphreys Institute for Political Social Work at the University of Connecticut School of Social Work.

“We find ourselves defending rights we took for granted because the attacks on our democracy have worked,” Smith says. “Most people don’t vote because they don’t think it matters or they have lost confidence in the system. A healthy democracy that works for all people depends on all people voting and participating.”

NASW has been collaborating with national voter mobilization organizations, including Voting is Social Work (votingissocialwork.org), of which Smith is a team member. NASW urges social workers to vote and to help clients learn the importance of casting their ballots.

The NASW Political Action for Candidate Election (PACE) committee reviews and endorses congressional candidates. In addition, the association has funded field organizers to work in the battleground states of Arizona, Colorado, Georgia, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin. Learn more at the NASW Increasing Voter Participation web page 

“Social workers help people navigate complex systems every day, and voting should be no exception,” Smith says. “It’s not about who, but sharing how to vote, when to vote, where to vote, where to find information about the candidates, how to get a copy of the ballot, sharing voter rights, and as importantly, reminding people their vote does matter.”

Votingissocialwork.org is meant to be a resource for social workers who want to engage their clients, communities, students, and colleagues to vote, Smith said. Visitors to the site can find easy-to-use tools, research and resources.

“We are calling on all social workers to take the Power of Three Pledge to engage three voters in 2022,” she says.

Technology is making voting easier, especially in states where registering voters is prohibited by punitive policies, Smith points out. People are registering themselves through their devices. They also can receive text reminders to vote in all future elections as well as request an absentee ballot application.

Brian Romero, co-chair of NASW-PACE, said “The upcoming (midterm) election will determine the course of many policy arenas critical to the social work profession and the communities we have committed to serving and advocating for.”

He says the election will impact the national conversation about public health and safety and whether the nation will invest the necessary resources to curb gun violence, boost health and mental health infrastructure and protect abortion access.

“After the most recent IPCC (Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change) report, it is estimated that we have 30 months to begin a significant transition to renewable energy if we are going to mitigate the most severe consequences of climate change,” Romero said. “Inflation and a potential recession also burden the economic well-being of clients, and we will either elect candidates who will balance the tax burden on the working class and poor people or continue to provide handouts to the wealthy.”

All 435 seats in the U.S. House of Representative are up for election this year, and 35 of the 100 U.S. Senate seats are up for regular re-election and one special election in Oklahoma.

Social workers have a long tradition of social justice and political advocacy – to include working to expand and protect voting rights and promote voter registration. Our essential work on behalf of protecting voting rights is needed now more than ever. The right to vote was hard won and still remains tenuous for historically vulnerable and under-represented communities. More than 400 bills have been introduced at the state level to suppress the right to vote. If passed, such bills will have sweeping impacts on communities of color, students, veterans, LGBTQIA+ people, people with disabilities, and older adults.

These are concerted efforts made to cut back or eliminate mechanisms that allow and encourage voting like mail-in voting, Election Day registration, early voting days, polling place availability, and availability of mail ballot drop boxes. Some states have gone so far as to make it a crime to provide food or water to a person waiting in line to vote. Such efforts effectively undermine the historic provisions of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, thus compromising decades of meaningful progress made toward a more inclusive democracy.

However, these bills are not the only current threats to democracy. These efforts exist in the context of disinformation, censorship efforts and voter disengagement. Voter disengagement is a combined result of the cumulative effects of concerted voter suppression and the erosion of trust in government. As social workers, we must rise to the urgency of the moment. Protecting the right to vote is synonymous with social work. As social workers, we are called to uphold the principle of social justice, as outlined in our professional NASW Code of Ethics, which calls upon us to “pursue social change, particularly with and on behalf of vulnerable and oppressed individuals and groups of people”.

It is within our power to stand on the right side of history, and to take action to remove the insurmountable obstacles that are being set in place to deny people their constitutional right to a fair and free vote. We can each take meaningful steps to integrate voter registration in our practice, we can promote civic engagement for those that we serve and for those in our profession, and we can build upon our enduring legacy of social justice and political advocacy through protecting democracy and the right to vote.

Resources

Listen to this panel presentation through the NASW Social Work Online CE Institute, The Power of Three Campaign: Mobilizing Social Work’s Vision and Voice Through Voting, to learn more about the history of voting in the U.S., and ways in which social workers can promote and mobilize voters.

Voting is Social Work: The National Social Work Voter Mobilization Campaign is a nonpartisan campaign that provides social workers with the knowledge and tools to raise awareness about voting and to increase voting registration and participation.

Why Vote? Campaign: A Comprehensive Toolkit to Help You Lead an Advocacy Project on Why Voting Matters

All 50 Republican Senators along with Democratic Senators Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona and Joe Manchin of West Virginia obstructed the path for progress on voting rights, by voting against a rule change that would allow a vote on the Senate floor late Wednesday. These Senators prevented action on the Freedom to Vote: John R. Lewis Act.

NASW sent a letter on Jan. 19th to Sinema, also a social worker, calling for her to support passage of this critical voting rights legislation. This communication follows months of active NASW advocacy to advance voting rights for all Americans.  Notably, NASW members responded to our action alerts by sending thousands of email messages to their lawmakers in the Senate.

The Senate’s failure means that people of color and historically marginalized populations will face additional barriers to carrying out their constitutionally guaranteed right to vote.  This inaction will continue to embolden efforts to pass restrictive state laws denying access to the ballot box and 34 states are already considering legislation that makes it more difficult to vote.

The fight for  justice cannot be measured in hours as this nation’s history has shown us that major steps toward progress in matters of social justice have always been met with resistance. Throughout our country’s history, Americans across race and place have protested, marched, confronted violence, and even died to cast  ballots and ensure others have the freedom to vote.

This movement to protect the essential freedoms and voting rights of all people remains indebted to the legacies of leaders and activists that showed unrelenting courage on behalf of the generations that remain in today’s good fight. Martin Luther King Jr once said, “Change does not roll in on the wheels of inevitability, but comes through continuous struggle.”

NASW remains steadfast in its commitment to voting rights and will not be deterred in our advocacy efforts to strengthen democracy and protect access to the ballot box for all Americans.

 Additional Resources:

NASW sends letter to Senator Kyrsten Sinema on voting rights legislation and the filibuster

NASW Calls on the Senate to Pass Legislation to Protect Voting Rights

We are calling on the nation’s 700,000+ social workers to save the date for the March on for Voting Rights. Social Workers continue to play a pivotal role in ensuring that the right to vote remains protected and accessible. That’s why, on August 28, 2021, NASW and our members are marching (in-person and virtually) nationwide.

There are currently 400+ bills in circulation across 49 states that aim to restrict or outright suppress the right to vote. These proposed bills specifically aim to ban ballot drop boxes and mail-in voting, reduce early voting days and hours, restrict who can get a mail-in ballot, prohibit officials from promoting the use of mail-in ballots even when voters qualify, and even criminalize the distribution of water to voters waiting in the long lines that these laws create.

Marches will follow public health guidance and virtual events may be offered in lieu of in-person events as appropriate. To learn more about the March and about how to participate virtually or in-person (be sure to check COVID-19 conditions and masking requirements in your state) please visit the March on for Voting Rights website.

Register for the March

• RSVP for NASW’s Virtual March
• Washington, D.C.
• Atlanta, Georgia
• Miami, Florida
• Phoenix, Arizona
• Houston, Texas

March with NASW in-person in Washington, D.C.

If you choose, you can join NASW staff and march in Washington, D.C. We strongly advise that you be vaccinated and wear a mask. NASW staff will gather at St. John’s Church, 1525 H St NW, Washington, DC 20005, between 8 a.m. to 10:30 a.m. The church is near McPherson Square or Farragut North stations on the Metro. We will supply placards and buttons on a first-come, first-served basis. For more information, email awright.nasw@socialworkers.org.

Washington, D.C. road closures and parking restrictions during the march

Voting rights are under attack and our visibility matters!

NASW is also Livestreaming the March to Facebook

Resources

• Make noise online with D.C. March on for D.C. Social Toolkit
• Digital amplification toolkit
• March on for Voting Right FAQ will help you prepare to answer questions about the march.
• Buy NASW and other social work tee-shirts

We encourage you to use this printable Social Justice Poster that can also serve as a placard.

Our professional unity in this critical space of social justice will make a difference in protecting the right to vote.

Again, you can  RSVP to attend NASW’s virtual march

Don’t forget to use the following hashtags:

#MarchOnForVotingRights
#NASWProtectsVoting
#VotingIsSocialWork